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Why the South-West Matters: Nigeria’s Emerging Southern Security Corridor

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Category:  Security Insights
Date:  January 19, 2026
Author:  Adam Abass
Snapshot
1

Nigeria’s South-West is entering a phase of strategic exposure that carries consequences far beyond localised insecurity.

2

While there is no conclusive evidence that external military activity directly precipitated specific attacks in the South-West, observable patterns indicate that pressure in northern theatres has compressed armed groups southward and incentivised the exploitation of permissive forest spaces.

3

A destabilised South-West would not only expose Nigeria’s economic core; it would redraw the security map of coastal West Africa.

Nigeria’s South-West is entering a phase of strategic exposure that carries consequences far beyond localised insecurity. If the region were to deteriorate even incrementally, it would place Nigeria’s primary economic corridor, its commercial heartland, and key Gulf of Guinea trade routes at risk for the first time in decades. Long viewed as comparatively insulated—defined more by urban crime and episodic cult violence than by sustained armed group activity—the South-West is now showing early but credible signs of structural vulnerability. The attack on the National Park Service office in Oloka, Orire Local Government Area of Oyo State, in early 2026 marks a critical inflexion point. What is unfolding is not an isolated incident, but the gradual southward extension of an armed mobility corridor linking North-Central Nigeria to Benin Republic and, ultimately, the coastal belt of the Gulf of Guinea.

Recent data from the Argon Security Incident Database and open-source monitoring point to bandit migration and forest entrenchment as the primary threat drivers in this emerging pattern. Prior to the Oyo incident, armed bandits carried out a coordinated assault on Ipele community in Owo, Ondo State, on New Year’s Eve, burning a police station in an operation that reflected both confidence and tactical intent. This escalation coincided with the arrest of 39 suspected militants by the Ondo State Amotekun Command, many of whom were reportedly seeking refuge within forest reserves after intensified military pressure in Sokoto. While confirmed reporting establishes the movement of these actors into the South-West, available indicators suggest that forested zones in Oyo, Ondo, and adjoining states are increasingly being utilised for concealment, staging, and short-range operations rather than transient passage alone.

This shift cannot be understood in purely domestic terms. The forest belts stretching from Oyo through Kwara and Kogi into Borgou and Atacora in northern Benin increasingly function as an integrated transnational space for armed mobility, logistics, and retreat. This mirrors earlier Argon assessments, including the Borgu–Kebbi axis prediction, which anticipated southward displacement as pressure intensified in North-West and North-Central theatres. The geography of this corridor offers armed groups strategic depth: dense terrain that degrades aerial surveillance, weakly governed borderlands, and proximity to major transport routes. As a result, instability in South-West Nigeria now intersects directly with security dynamics in Benin Republic and carries downstream implications for coastal West Africa.

Displacement dynamics remain a key accelerant. Sustained counter-terrorism operations and air campaigns across North-Central Nigeria have degraded traditional bandit enclaves, creating a push effect toward less contested environments. While there is no conclusive evidence that external military activity directly precipitated specific attacks in the South-West, observable patterns indicate that pressure in northern theatres has compressed armed groups southward and incentivised the exploitation of permissive forest spaces. These dynamics are reinforced by long-standing gaps in rural security coverage and the persistence of ungoverned forest reserves that offer both concealment and operational flexibility.

The threat environment is further complicated, though not dominated, by extremist actors. Argon open-source monitoring in 2025 linked two attacks in Kwara State to a Sahelian jihadist faction, while ISWAP maintains a documented but intermittent presence across parts of the wider South-West, particularly in Ondo State. The proximity of the Owo attack to Akoko Edo—where ISWAP claimed responsibility for an incident in 2022—combined with the DSS arrest of two ISWAP operatives in Lagos in late 2025, underscores the risk of facilitation, spillover, and opportunistic collaboration. However, extremist activity in the region remains sporadic rather than territorially embedded, operating at the margins of broader bandit-driven instability rather than defining it.

If left unaddressed, the implications of a permissive South-West would escalate quickly across multiple time horizons. In the short term, sustained armed activity would drive higher kidnapping rates, strain state and local security forces, and disrupt agricultural production and inter-state transport linking the South-West to North-Central Nigeria. Over the medium term, instability would begin to encroach on Lagos’ hinterlands, raising operating costs for businesses and triggering a repricing of insurance and investor risk across Nigeria’s most commercially significant corridor. In the long term, a structurally insecure South-West would erode Nigeria’s primary economic artery, destabilise the Benin–Nigeria coastal axis, and heighten risks to Gulf of Guinea ports, energy infrastructure, and maritime trade—effects that would reverberate across regional and international markets.

The political context amplifies these risks. As Nigeria moves into a pre-election cycle, rising insecurity in the South-West would place governors and federal authorities under mounting pressure, diverting attention and resources toward reactive security responses while undermining investor confidence. Electoral logistics, voter participation, and political legitimacy could all be indirectly affected if insecurity becomes normalised in peri-urban and rural zones that underpin the region’s economic and demographic weight.

Despite these pressures, the South-West retains important buffers. Higher literacy levels, diversified economic activity, and the entrenched presence of community-based security structures such as Amotekun provide resilience that is largely absent in more fragile regions. Yet this resilience is conditional. Without decisive preventive measures—including the hardening of forest reserves, expanded surveillance along the Kwara–Oyo–Ondo axis, crackdown on illegal minning, cross-border coordination with Benin Republic, and intelligence-led disruption of emerging networks—the current trajectory risks transforming the South-West from a buffer zone into a sustained theatre of armed activity.

A destabilised South-West would not only expose Nigeria’s economic core; it would redraw the security map of coastal West Africa. The window for preventive action remains open, but it is narrowing rapidly—and once Lagos’ hinterlands become contested, that window may close far faster than policymakers anticipate.

Insight by:
Adam Abass
Adam Abass
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